4.3 Article

Domestic accountability and non-compliance with international law: Evidence from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights

Journal

JOURNAL OF PEACE RESEARCH
Volume -, Issue -, Pages -

Publisher

SAGE PUBLICATIONS LTD
DOI: 10.1177/00223433231200924

Keywords

compliance; human rights; international law; Latin America

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Domestic public preferences often influence leaders' compliance with international legal rulings. However, public support for human rights does not necessarily mean they support remedies ordered by international courts. This study examines the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in Latin America and argues that non-compliance may result from leaders adjusting their behavior based on public opinion and the popularity of the implicated actor. The findings highlight the importance of considering public attitudes in models of compliance with international law.
Domestic public preferences often shape leaders' decisions to comply with international legal rulings. Human rights scholars usually assume these preferences favor enforcement and justice. However, just because the public supports human rights does not mean they universally support remedies ordered by international courts. What happens when leaders face competing compliance pressures from an international court and domestic public? I examine this question in the context of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, a regional human rights court that operates primarily in Latin America. I argue that non-compliance may sometimes result from democratic leaders adjusting compliance behavior according to public opinion, especially when the implicated actor is popular. In particular, I argue that compliance is a function of proximity to the next presidential election, therefore necessitating greater responsiveness to the public's opinions, and the public's attitudes toward the actor implicated by the ruling. I test my argument on an original dataset of all Inter-American Court rulings implicating the military. I show that if the public does not support the military, the probability of compliance increases closer to an election; however, if the public does support the military, the probability of compliance decreases. My findings suggest the importance of incorporating the public's attitudes into existing models of compliance with international law.

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