Journal
JOURNAL OF MEMORY AND LANGUAGE
Volume 86, Issue -, Pages 157-171Publisher
ACADEMIC PRESS INC ELSEVIER SCIENCE
DOI: 10.1016/j.jml.2015.10.007
Keywords
Lexical prediction; Word form; Semantic processing; ERPs; SOA
Categories
Funding
- PPLS School Research Support Grants award
- School of Philosophy, Psychology and Language Sciences from University of Edinburgh
- Future Research Leaders Grant from the Economic and Social Research Council of the United Kingdom [ES/K009095/1]
- ESRC [ES/K009095/1] Funding Source: UKRI
- Economic and Social Research Council [ES/K009095/1] Funding Source: researchfish
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We used ERPs to investigate the pre-activation of form and meaning in language comprehension. Participants read high-doze sentence contexts (e.g., The student is going to the library to borrow a...), followed by a word that was predictable (book), form-related (hook) or semantically related (page) to the predictable word, or unrelated (sofa). At a 500 ms SOA (Experiment 1), semantically related words, but not form-related words, elicited a reduced N400 compared to unrelated words. At a 700 ms SOA (Experiment 2), semantically related words and form-related words elicited reduced N400 effects, but the effect for form-related words occurred in very high-doze sentences only. At both SOAs, form-related words elicited an enhanced, post-N400 posterior positivity (Late Positive Component effect). The 11400 effects suggest that readers can pre-activate meaning and form information for highly predictable words, but form pre-activation is more limited than meaning pre-activation. The post-N400 LPC effect suggests that participants detected the form similarity between expected and encountered input. Pre-activation of word forms crucially depends upon the time that readers have to make predictions, in line with production-based accounts of linguistic prediction. (C) 2015 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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